Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has had stood as a beacon of Islamic learning. And for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress.
I'm grateful for your hospitality and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the good will of the American people and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalamu-alaikum.
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world, tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation but also conflict and religious wars.
More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims and a Cold War in which Muslim majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001, and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and western countries but also to human rights.
All this has bred more fear and more mistrust. So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap and share common principles, principles of justice and progress, tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point.
But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other, to learn from each other, to respect one another, and to seek common ground.
As the Holy Quran tells us：“Be conscious of God and speak always the truth. ”
That is what I will try to do today, to speak the truth as best I can. Humbled by the task before us and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now, part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian. But my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk.
As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith. As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam at places like Al-Azhar that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's renaissance and enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities...
It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra, our magnetic compass and tools of navigation, our mastery of pens and printing, our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires, timeless poetry and cherished music, elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second president, John Adams, wrote,The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims. And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States.
They have fought in our wars. They have served in our government. They have stood for civil rights. They have started businesses. They have taught at our universities. They've excelled in our sports arenas. They've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building and lit the Olympic torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same holy Quran that one of our founding fathers, Thomas Jefferson, kept in his personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as president of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire.
We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal. And we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words, within our borders and around the world.
We are shaped by every culture. Drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept, E pluribus unum: Out of many, one.
Now much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected president.
But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores. And that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt, Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations: to live in peace and security, to get an education and to work with dignity, to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead. And if we understand that the challenges we face are shared and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations.
When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience.
That is what it means to share this world in the 21st Century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings. This is a difficult responsibility to embrace, for human history has often been a record of nations and tribes, and, yes, religions subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests.
Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership, our progress must be shared.
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite. We must face these tensions squarely. And so, in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all its forms. In Ankara, I made clear that America is not and never will be at war with Islam.
We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject, the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued Al Qaida and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice. We went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the offense of 9/11. But let us be clear. Al Qaida killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.
The victims were innocent men, women, and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaida chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach.
These are not opinions to be debated. These are facts to be dealt with. Make no mistake, we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no military——we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict.
We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths but, more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.
The Holy Quran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as ——it is as it if has killed all mankind. And the Holy Quran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind.
The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism; it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced.
That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.
Now, let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible.
Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said, I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power and teach us that the less we use our power, the greater it will be. Today America has a dual responsibility to help Iraq forge a better future and to leave Iraq to Iraqis.
I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no basis and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012.
We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable. But in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals.
We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States. And I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities, which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
Now, the second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world. America's strong bonds with Israel are well-known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries. And anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented holocaust. Tomorrow I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich.
Six million Jews were killed, more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless. It is ignorant, and it is hateful.
It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nations should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
And any nation, including Iran, should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty. And it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years. And much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear. No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other. That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people.
Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election.
But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed, confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice, government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people, the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas. They are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere.
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear. Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments, provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power. Once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others.
So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power. You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion. You must respect the rights of minorities and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise. You must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party.
Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai.
In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education. And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.
Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century. And in too...
And in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America, in the past, has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we new seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand change programs and increase scholarships like the one that brought my father to America. At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students are internships in America invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world and create a new, online network so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new core of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim majority countries. And I will host a summit on entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations, and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim majority country and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops.
Today, I'm announcing a new global effort with the organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments, community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address, but we have a responsibility to join together to behalf of the world that we seek, a world where extremists no longer threaten our people and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes, a world where governments serve their citizens and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together. I know there are many, Muslim and non-Muslim, who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort， that we are fated to disagree and civilizations are doomed to clash.
Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith in every country. You more than anyone have the ability to reimagine the world, the remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart or whether we commit ourselves to an effort, a sustained effort to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is one rule that lies at the heart of every religion，that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
This truth transcends nations and peoples, a belief that isn't new, that isn't black or white or brown, that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people. And it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Quran tells us：“ Mankind, we have created you male and a female. And we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another. ”
The Talmud tells us：“The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace. ”
The Holy Bible tells us：“Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God. ”
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much.
Thank you.
谢谢。大家下午好！我很荣幸能应两所著名学府的邀请造访古城开罗。1 000多年来，爱资哈尔大学一直是伊斯兰学术的一盏明灯；而100多年来，开罗大学则一直是埃及进步的摇篮。这两所大学并称传统与进步之间和谐的象征。
我对在座的各位和埃及人民的热情款待万分感激。我也很自豪地带来了美国人民的美好祝愿和我国穆斯林民众的友好问候：愿安拉赐你平安。
我们相聚在美国和穆斯林世界关系十分紧张的时期。究其根源，这种紧张关系由来已久，且超出了任何当前政策辩论的范畴。伊斯兰与西方世界之间的关系既有包括长达几个世纪的共存与合作，又包括冲突和宗教战争。
在近代，殖民主义剥夺了众多穆斯林的权利与机会；冷战期间，穆斯林占主导地位的国家往往沦为傀儡，其自身利益被弃之不顾。双方关系因而变得尤为紧张。此外，现代化和全球化带来的巨变使得许多穆斯林将西方视为伊斯兰传统的敌人。
暴力极端主义分子利用这种紧张关系煽动穆斯林世界为数不多却颇有影响力的一群人。2001年发生的“9?11”袭击事件以及极端分子对平民不断施暴的行径使我的一些同胞认为，伊斯兰教是美国等西方国家的敌人，是人权的践踏者。
所有这一切将滋生出更多恐惧和疑虑。我们之间的关系一旦用分歧来界定，势必会任由一些人散播仇恨而非和平，宣扬冲突而非旨在让所有的人获得正义和繁荣的合作。我们必须打破这种由怀疑和纷争所引起的恶性循环。
我来访的目的是在全球范围内为美国和穆斯林寻找一个新起点——一个以互利互敬而为基础的新起点。美国和穆斯林之间不必相互排斥和相互竞争。相反，美国和穆斯林之间相互重合，拥有一些共同的原则，例如全人类所共同遵循的追求正义和进步的原则，宽容和尊严的原则等。
我深知变革并非一蹴而就。我也知道本次演讲倍受关注。但是，一次演讲不可能消除多年来积累起的不信任，我今天下午也不可能给摆在我们面前的众多复杂问题一个解决方案。
但是我深信，为了进步，我们必须进行开诚布公的交流，而非从前的窃窃私语。我们必须坚持不懈地付出努力，相互倾听，相互学习，相互尊重，寻求共同点。
《古兰经》教诲我们：铭记真主，永吐真言。
这就是我今天要努力实现的目标——尽我最大努力说实话。我深感我们肩负着重大的使命，坚信我们为人类的共同利益而奋斗的力量远比分裂我们的力量强大得多。
这种信念部分上来自我的个人经历。我是一个基督教徒，而我的父亲出生在一个肯尼亚家庭，世世代代都是穆斯林信徒。我小时候在印度尼西亚生活过几年，在黎明和日落时分均能听到宣礼塔召集朝拜的声音。
我年轻时曾在在芝加哥社区工作，那里的许多人都从自己的穆斯林信仰中找到了尊严和宁静。作为历史专业的学生，我也了解伊斯兰教对文明的重大贡献。在爱资哈尔大学这样的地方，伊斯兰教让学术之光照亮了一个又一个世纪，为欧洲文艺复兴和启蒙运动铺平了道路。
穆斯林世界不断创新，发明了代数学，改进了磁罗盘和导航工具，掌握了书写与印刷术，使世人了解了疾病的传播与治疗方式。伊斯兰文化为我们创造了宏伟的拱顶、耸入云霄的尖塔、永恒的诗篇、美妙的音乐；优美的书法和宁静的冥想之所。纵观历史，伊斯兰已经通过言辞和实际行动证明了宗教包容和种族平等的可能性。
我还知道，伊斯兰教一直是美国历史的一个组成部分。摩洛哥是第一个承认美国的国家。1796年，美国第二任总统约翰?亚当斯在签署《的黎波里条约》时曾写道：“美国本身没有任何敌视穆斯林法律、宗教或社会安定的意图。”自建国以来，美国穆斯林使国家变得更加丰富多彩。
他们曾参加过历次对外战争，担任政府公职，为民权事业奋斗，开办商务企业，在高等院校教书育人，在体育场上出类拔萃，荣膺诺贝尔奖，建造我国最高建筑，点燃奥运火炬。当首位当选国会议员的美国穆斯林在宣誓捍卫《宪法》时，他手抚的那本《古兰经》曾是我国开国元勋之一的托马斯?杰斐逊的私人藏书。
在造访伊斯兰教的发祥地之前，我已在三大洲对伊斯兰教有所了解。以往的经历使我坚信——美国和伊斯兰世界之间的伙伴关系应基于真正的伊斯兰教，而非伪伊斯兰教。作为美国总统，我认为自己有义务同不利于伊斯兰教的偏颇之论作斗争。
但同样的原则也必须适用于穆斯林对美国的态度。正如不应用粗俗的陈词滥调来描述穆斯林一样，美国亦不应被描述为一个自私自利的帝国。作为人类进步的最重要的源泉之一，美国也是在与帝国进行抗争的革命中诞生的。
我们的建国理念是“人人生而平等”。几个世纪以来，我们一直在全国乃至世界范围内为实践上述理念的真谛而浴血奋斗。
我们受不同文化背景的影响，我们来自世界各地，但笃信同一个简单的理念：合众为一。一个名叫巴拉克?侯赛因?奥巴马的非裔美国人当选为美国总统就足以证明这一点。
然而，我的个人经历并没有什么独特之初。尽管不是每一个美国人都能够梦想成真，但是对于每一个踏上美国土地的人来说，他们的梦想都会收到尊重，其中也包括人口近700万的美国穆斯林，目前，他们的薪酬和受教育程度均高于美国平均水平。
此外，美国的自由与宗教信仰自由密不可分。因此，美国每一个州都有清真寺，全国共有1 200多个清真寺。出于同样的原因，美国政府用法律的形式保护女性佩戴穆斯林头巾的权利，并规定：阻挠者将会受到法律的惩罚。
毋庸置疑，伊斯兰教是美国的一个组成部分。我相信美国恪守这样一种信条，即无论种族、宗教或身份，我们都拥有一个共同愿望——生活平静、安宁，接受教育，有尊严地工作，爱家庭，睦邻里，敬上帝。这是我们共同的愿望，也是全人类的希望。
当然，认识到人类的共性只是我们使命的开端。仅凭言语是无法满足人民需求的。在未来岁月里，我们只有大刀阔斧地行动，认识到挑战是我们所共同面临的，且一旦辜负了人民的希望，我们的整体利益就会受到损害。也只有这样做，我们才能满足人民的需求。
最近的经验告诉我们，一个国家金融体系的衰弱将会波及世界各地的繁荣。一个人感染上新型流感，那么，所有的人面临着被传染的危险。一个国家谋求核武器，那么，所有国家遭受核武器攻击的风险就会增加。
当极端分子在一个山区活动时，大洋彼岸的人也会陷入危险的境地。而波斯尼亚和达尔富尔地区无辜生灵惨遭涂炭时，我们所有人的良心都会留下污点。
这就是在21世纪拥有同一个世界的真正含义。这是我们作为人类对彼此应付的责任。然而，履行这一责任却任重而道远。一部人类史往往记录着各民族、各部落和各宗教为一己之私利而不惜相互倾轧。
然而在新的时代，那些狭隘的观点无疑会自取灭亡。我们是相互依存的，因此，任何一个企图凌驾于他人之上的国家和集团必将以失败而告终。无论我们怎么看待过去，都不应该被束缚住手脚。我们只有通过合作才能解决问题，我们的进步必须是共同进步。
但这并不意味着我们可以忽视造成紧张局势的根源。恰恰相反，我们必须正视这些根源。因此，本着这一精神，让我尽可能清楚明了地解释一下我们最终必须共同面对的若干具体问题。我们首先要面对的个问题是各种形式的暴力极端主义。我曾在安卡拉明确表示，美国现在不会、将来也不会向伊斯兰教开战。
然而，在与对我们安全构成极大威胁的暴力极端主义分子进行较量时，我们绝不会心慈手软。因为，无辜生灵惨遭涂炭不会为任何宗教所接受，我们也决不会接受。作为总统，我的首要职责就是捍卫美国人民的安全。
阿富汗目前的局势表明了美国的目标以及我们双方合作的必要。7年前，美国打击“基地”组织和塔利班的行动得到了国际社会的广泛支持。我们当时已别无选择，必须采取必要的行动。我知道，至今仍有人对“9?11”事件心存疑问甚至想为为其正名。但我们必须明确一点，“基地”组织在当天就使近3 000人丧生。
罹难者当中包括美国和来自其他国家的男男女女，还有儿童，这些无辜的人从未做过任何伤害他人的事情。然而，“基地”组织却选择对他们进行无情的杀戮，并宣布对此次袭击负责。他们至今仍声称决心进行大规模杀戮。他们在许多国家都有同伙，并试图扩大自己的势力范围。
这些观点不容辩驳，而且是我们必须应对的事实。毫无疑问，我们无心在阿富汗保留驻军，也无意寻求在那里建立军事基地。让美国的青年男女流血牺牲实在是令人痛苦万分，继续驻军不仅要付出高昂的代价，而且在政治上也难以支撑。
如果能够证实阿富汗已无任何暴力极端主义的残渣余孽，那些扬言要对美国人格杀勿论的恐怖分子已经转移到巴基斯坦境内了，我们将非常乐于撤回全部军队。但事实并非如此。
所以，我们与46个国家结成联盟。尽管我们需要付出一些代价，但我们的决心不会减弱。的确，我们谁都不应容忍这些极端主义分子。他们在许多国家都曾大开杀戒。不同信仰的人们都沦为他们杀戮的对象，而罹难人数最多的却是穆斯林。他们的行径与人权相悖、与民族进步相悖、与伊斯兰信仰相悖。
《古兰经》教导我们：如果杀害一个无辜的人，就等于杀害了全人类；而拯救一个人，就等于拯救了全人类。
十几亿人永恒的信仰远胜于一小撮人狭隘的仇恨。在与暴力极端主义的斗争中，伊斯兰不仅不会成为一个问题，而且可以发挥促进和平的重要作用。
我们也知道，仅凭军事力量是不能解决阿富汗和巴基斯坦问题的。因此，我们计划在未来5年之内，每年投入15亿美元，与巴基斯坦人民一起建设学校、医院、道路和企业。此外，我们还将捐助数亿万美元帮助那些流离失所的人们。
同时，我们还向阿富汗提供28亿多美元的援助，帮助其发展经济以及人民赖以生存的各项服务。
下面，我想谈一谈伊拉克问题。与阿富汗问题不同，美国选择对伊开战在国际和国内都引起了很大争议。虽然我相信，伊拉克人民在推翻萨达姆?侯赛因的暴政后会生活得比以前好。与此同时，我还认为，伊拉克事件提醒着我们：为了解决问题，美国应尽一切可能运用外交手段，达成国际共识。
其实，我们不妨回顾一下托马斯?杰佛逊的话。他曾说过：“我希望我们的智慧与力量一道成长，并教会我们一个道理，即我们所使用的力量越少，力量就会越强大。” 美国目前肩负着双重责任：一是帮助伊拉克建设一个更加美好的未来；二是把伊拉克交给伊拉克人民管理。我已向伊拉克人民明确承诺：我们既不会寻求在伊保留军事基地，也不会觊觎其领土和资源。伊拉克主权属于伊拉克。因此，我下令将于明年8月前撤走我们的作战部队，履行我们与伊拉克民选政府所达成的协议，即7月前把作战部队撤出伊拉克各大城市，并在2012年实现全面撤军。
我们将帮助伊拉克训练安全部队和发展经济。届时，作为合作伙伴，我们支持伊拉克安全与独立，但决不充当其保护伞。
最后，美国绝不容忍极端分子的暴行，也不会改变或忘记我们的原则。“9?11”事件给我们造成了巨大的创伤，由此引发的恐惧和愤怒是可以理解的。但是在某些情况下，恐惧和愤怒也让我们采取了一些有悖传统与理想的行为。
我们正在采取切实行动扭转局势，我已明令禁止美国使用酷刑，并下令于明年初关闭关塔那摩监狱。
因此，美国在捍卫自身利益的同时，也会尊重他国的主权和法治。同时，我们将与同样遭受威胁的穆斯林团体结为伙伴。极端主义分子在穆斯林世界遭到孤立和摒弃的时间越早，我们获得安全保障的时间就越早。
我们需要探讨的导致紧张局势的第二个主要根源是以色列、巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯世界之间的局势。美以关系之紧密众所周知。这一牢不可破的纽带关系有其自身的文化和历史渊源，它是对犹太人渴求家园的认同——而这种渴望源自一段难以否认的悲惨历史。
世界各地的犹太人惨遭迫害长达几个世纪之久。欧洲的反犹太主义最终发展成一场史无前例的浩劫。明天，我将访问布痕瓦尔德集中营，它曾是第三帝国奴役、折磨、枪杀和用毒气杀害犹太人的众多集中营之一。
600万犹太人惨遭杀戮——罹难人数比以色列现在的犹太人口总数还多。否认这一事实的论调是无知和可憎的无稽之谈。
必须阻止中东地区的核军备竞赛，否则，它会使该地区乃至全世界走上一条极其危险的道路。我理解到，有人抗议有些国家掌握核武器而其他国家却不曾拥有。任何一个国家都无权挑选和指定哪些国家有资格拥有核武器。因此，我强烈重申美国的承诺：努力建设一个任何国家都不拥有核武的世界。
包括伊朗在内的任何国家，只要其履行《不扩散核武器条约》所规定的责任和义务，均有权和平利用核能。这一点是上述条约的核心内容，各签约国必须严格遵循。我希望该地区所有国家都能把它作为共同目标。
我要谈的第四个问题是民主。
我知道，近年来曾出现过关于推行民主政治的争论，其中大多数都与伊拉克战争有关。请允许我澄清一下：一个国家不可以也不应该将自己的政府体制强加给另一个国家。但这丝毫不能减弱我对表达人民意愿的各国政府所做出的承诺。
每个国家都将立足与本民族的传统并以自己的方式实践这一原则。美国并不认为自己通晓对每个人都合适的体制，就像我们对和平选举的结果不能做到先知先觉一样。
但是，我有一个坚定不移的信念，即各国人民都渴望实现某些理想：言论自由、享有参政话语权、相信法制和司法公正、政府透明执政且不会对人民横征暴敛、自由选择生活方式。这些不仅仅是美国人民的理想，更是全人类的共同人权，因而处处受到我们的拥护。
然而，兑现这一承诺并非一帆风顺。但有一点是清楚的，凡能保护这些权利的政府，最终会更稳定、更成功、更安全；相反，压制人民思想的绝不会得逞，因为思想不会泯灭。即使有时不会苟同，美国也会尊重一切和平且合法的呼声，并希望这些声音响彻全世界。只要一个政府由选举产生、热爱和平且尊重人民，我们就欢迎。
最后一点也很重要，因为有些人只有在不掌握权力的时候才会鼓吹民主。一旦其大权在握，就会无情践踏他人的权利。
无论在何处，民有与民治的政体为所有执政者提供了了一条金科玉律：你必须以民意而非胁迫来保持权威；你必须尊重少数群体的权利，并怀着宽容与妥协的精神参与其中；你必须把人民的利益和合法的政治程序置于自己的党派利益之上。
缺少了这些内容，单靠选举是无法实现真正的民主的。
但我知道，人类的进步是势不可挡的。发展与传统可以并行不悖。日本和韩国等在保持自己特有文化的同时大力发展了经济。从吉隆坡到迪拜，以穆斯林为主流的国家亦取得了同样惊人的进步。
从古到今，穆斯林世界始终处于创新和教育的最前沿。这一点至关重要，因为发展战略决不能仅仅建立在地下资源的基础之上，且在年轻人纷纷失业的情况下，也不可能实现可持续发展。
许多海湾国家因其石油资源而坐拥巨大财富，其中有些国家已经开始专注于更广泛的发展。但是，我们必须认识到，教育和创新将成为21世纪的资本。
然而，许多穆斯林国家都存在着上述领域投资不足的现象。我在美国国内也特别强调发展这类投资。过去，美国关注的焦点是该地区的石油和天然气资源；如今，我们将寻求与该地区进行更广泛的接触。
在教育方面，我们将扩大留学交流项目，增设奖学金——当年多亏了奖学金，我父亲才有机会赴美读书。与此同时，我们将鼓励更多的美国人到穆斯林世界学习。而且我们还将为有前途的穆斯林学生提供赴美实习的机会；为全世界的教师和儿童投资建设在线学习项目；创建新的在线网络，使堪萨斯州的年轻人能够与远在开罗的同龄人进行即时在线沟通。
在经济发展方面，我们将创立一个以商务志愿者为核心的新团体，与穆斯林国家的商业团体进行合作。今年我还将主持召开一次创业峰会，讨论如何加强美国与全世界穆斯林国家的商界领袖、基金会和社会企业家之间的联系。
在科学和技术方面，我们将创办一个旨在推动穆斯林国家科技发展的新基金，并协助将其科技理念推向市场，增加就业。我们还将在非洲、中东和东南亚等地创办杰出科研成果中心，并任命新的科学特使在新能源开发、绿色岗位、档案数字化、清洁饮用水和新作物种植等方面开展合作。
我今天将宣布一项全球性新举措，我们计划与伊斯兰会议组织共同努力，消灭小儿麻痹症。我们还将在促进儿童和孕妇健康方面进一步拓展与穆斯林国家之间的合作。
所有这些事情都必须通过合作才能完成。美国人民已做好准备，在全球范围内与穆斯林国家的人民、政府、社区组织、宗教领袖和企业界一道，帮助人民追求更美好的生活。
然而，上述问题解决起来谈何容易。但是，我们有义务团结起来，为建设我们共同追求的世界而奋斗——在那个世界里，我们的人民将不再遭受极端主义分子的威胁，美国军队已重返家园，以色列人民和巴勒斯坦人民在各自的国度安居乐业，核能仅用于和平目的，政府为人民服务，上帝的子民都受到尊重。这些是我们共同利益之所在，这是我们所追求的世界，但实现这一理想需要我们通力合作。我知道，现在仍有为数不少的穆斯林和非穆斯林在质疑我们是否有能力打造一个新的开端。一些人更是急于挑起分裂的火焰，阻挡我们前进的道路。还有人认为，根本无需煞费苦心，因为我们命中注定会格格不入，不同文明之间注定要发生碰撞。
更多的人只是对是否会发生真正的变革表示怀疑。以往的岁月遗留下太多的恐惧，积累起太多的不信任。但是，如果总被过去束缚住手脚，我们将永远无法迈出前进的步伐。我尤其要对各国信仰各异的年轻人强调这一点，与任何其他人相比，你们更具备重新构思世界和改造世界的能力。
我们每个人都不过是这个世界的匆匆过客。但问题是，在这短暂的时间内，我们究竟是要互相对立，抑或为一个共同目标而不懈努力？我们要为子孙后代创造更美好的未来，使全人类的尊严都受到尊重。
发动一场战争易，而结束一场战争难；责备他人易，而反省自己难；找出不同易，而发现共性难。我们应该选择正确的道路，而非省力之途。所有的宗教都蕴含着同一个规律：己所不欲，勿施于人。
这条可以跨越国界和民族的真理历久弥新。这是黑、白、棕等各色人种以及基督徒、穆斯林或犹太人等共同的信仰，它早在人类文明伊始就已出现脉动，至今仍在全世界数十亿人的心中涌动。它使我们对其他民族充满信心，也是今天指引我前来的动因。
我们有能力建设一个我们共同追求的新世界，但我们必须有勇气在铭记历史的同时，拥有一个崭新的起点。
《古兰经》告诉我们：“众人啊！我已把你们创造为男人和女人，又把你们划分为国家和部落，以便你们相识。”
《犹太法典》告诉我们：“整部《拖拉》教律只有一个目的——促进和平。”
《圣经》告诉我们：“和平的使者会受到祝福，因为他们将被称为上帝之子。”
世界各国的人们都能够和平共处。这既是上帝的愿望，也一定是我们在地球上的工作。
谢谢你们。愿上帝保佑你们。感谢你们。
谢谢。
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